Social Construction of Childhood Essay

Social Construction of Childhood EssayIn order to postulate how tyke fortress policy and trust session has been experimental conditiond, a definition of child tax shelter and significant defame and abuse is required. The Department for Education (DFE, 2011) defines child protection as the action that is carried proscribed to safeguard children who are suffering, or are likely to suffer, significant harm. Further more than the Children Act (1989) defines harm as ill-treatment including neglect, emotional, informal and physical abuse. interestingly, Parton et al (2012) suggested that determinations of what should be considered child abuse are socially constructed, and are therefore musing of the farming and values at a circumstantial moment in meter.To begin, puerility is a place that is documented worldwide and end-to-end history, which sometimes sees the child as innocent , conquerable, a consumer, a proletarian a hugeside other house go over earners, a threat to familiarity and it is a construction that changes over time and place (Prout, 2005). Historians of childhood have argued over the meaning, much(prenominal) as Aries (1960) cited by Veerman (1992, p5) demesned the supposition of childhood didnt exist before the seventeenth century therefore children were mini adults with the same rights, duties and skills. This idea was fill-in by the scant(p) law (1601) which was a formal system of training children in trades to contribute to society when they grew up (Bloy, 2002).another(prenominal) workout came from Locke (1632-1734) and the Tabula Rasa illustration. This proposes that children were deterrent examplely neutral and were the products of their parents (Horner, 2012). The nineteenth century showed it was the parents responsibility to offer complete and pertinent correction, to bring out the good in their nature thus helping them to become lend members of society. This could easily lead to blaming the parents as good or bad found on the behaviours of their child, since the child was not considered as his own agent. Legislation such as the 1834 Poor Law Reform Act would support Lockes idea as children who were sent to workhouses, would participate in schooling to imprint k without delayledge. Evidently a spot of scandals occurred from inmates eating rotting flesh from bones to survive. The governments retort implemented sterner rules for those operating workhouses, along with regular inspections (cited by Berry 1999, p29). Fox Harding (1997) described this era as laissez faire which was based on the family being private with token(prenominal) state intervention around children.An alternative concept from Rousseau (1712) suggested the idea childhood being about ingenuousness and a child was born angelic until the world influenced them. This was significant in foothold of child protection with the implementation of childrens charities such as Save the Children (founded in 1919). They portrayed child ren in a variety of adult situations and as lamentable victims worthy of being rescued using contemporary ideas of childhood (Macek, 2006). Interestingly the Children and young person Persons Act (1933) was in any case introduced to protect these children from any person legally liable and likely to cause blemish to their health. What is obvious is that harm was not clearly understood, considering caning in schools was common until 1987 and stopped because of corporal penalization being abused in schools (Lutomia and Sikolia, 2006).Moving into the twentieth century took a wide shift from the laissez faire barbel and along with the concept of childhood, became the tactile sensation of state paternalism. Child protection get along was based on lengthy state intervention to protect children from poor parental care (Fox Harding, 1997). These changes led to a sharing of goddam with their parents for children becoming anti-social (a demon) or a great achiever (an angel) in socie ty. The demonic model illustrated by Pifer (2000) was already seen in childhood construction but blamed society, not the child, when as Rousseau noted is the romantic dissertate that becomes tainted with the crooked outside world. These historical concepts dictated that children should be seen and not heard and every grimace of the childs life should be determined by their parents or guardians. Although the shift is evident, it could be argued that the laissez faire and paternalist perspective shared a common view of children having limited capacity for independence and decision making. Pollock (1983) would argue that children were not clarification adults as Aries (1960) claimed, but actually were at a significantly a lower puzzle of development and so had distinctive needs from adults. This suggests as immature people they could make mistakes and be forgive from full responsibility for their actions.Given the current gamy profile reachs on children, it is public outrage an d moral panics in the media that frequently changes the course things are seen. The research into child deaths has prompted changes in legislation (Parton et al, 2012). Key events such as the death of Maria Coldwell (1974) and Jasmine Beckford (1984), led to specialist workers instead of generic workers. The immediate bureaucratic response which reframed child protection practice was no longer intervention into preventative work but became more focused on assessing risk. Serious case analyzes in to a childs death was under taken as a way of discovering how the tragedy occurred, who was responsible, what professionals were involved, rationalising individual actions and occupying lessons for future day practice (Rose and Barnes, 2008). The publics perception of social workers placed more compress on this notion of identifying risk before the child died which developed many theories and models for the professional to practice.In furrow to the numerous child deaths, the Cleveland case in 1988 evidenced the over enthusiasm of state intervention. Children were removed(p) from their families based on medical assessments grounded on uncertain scientific knowledge (Hawkes, 2002). The inquiry recommended greater rights for parents and children and suggests the separation from families was seen as abuse itself ( modifyden, 2004). This, and proceeding enquires into the deaths of children, offered dilemmas for social workers representing the most visible agencies within the child protection system, in terms of whether a child should be removed or not. This event was a major policy number one wood to the Children Act 1989, where parents rights have been replaced with responsibility and ensuring children turn out to be good citizens of society. However it could be argued that in practice today the Cleveland event still carries stigma with parents believing their children are going to be taken into care. Sexual abuse statistics from the NSPCC (2012) state 20, 758 chil dren in 2009 were subject to sexual abuse with a decline in 2010/11 to 17,727. This result could offer a suggestion that preventative work and forceful criminal legal expert system in the last two decades is responsible. Alternatively it could be argued there may have been no decline at all and is purely a drop in the number of cases being determine.Interestingly Child protection Messages from Research conducted in the early 1990s (DoH, 1995) examined the role of the Children Act 1989. The document defied the socio-medical model of child abuse and reframed and contextualised the notion of the dangerous family. This suggested that the responsibility was to be laid on the parents of children that fall out of particular construct in order to combat poverty and crimes. Children such the murderers of Jamie Bulger in 1993 were children carrying out unthinkable, farther from innocent acts. However this case offered a different construct as children with a dual status. They connected a crime as an adult so far they were still children in need of protection. Society wanted to look at their background to decide if watching horror movies or having divorced parents or poor discipline made them kill a little boy.Given the medias response the nature nurture debate came to the forefront with notions of being born bad, to being made bad. Fascinatingly the historical view had been to protect children, yet moral panics made society shift to demonising children, branding them as wicked and evil (Bracchi, 2010). The legislation that had antecedently sought to protect children had also come into conflict with the boundaries of criminal law, as it does not recognise them as children over ten years of age (Molan, 2008). It could be argued that criminal law agrees with Aries (1960) and children are mini adults, yet social workers guidance refers to children up to the age of seventeen. One could doubt how professionals can work in concert when legislations cannot agree what age a child is.Further spotlight cases such as Victoria Climbie (2003) highlighted failings of multi-agency workers (Lamming 2003) and facilitated to shape the next change in legislation. The Every Child Matters green paper which defined five outcomes to be achieved by all children was enshrined in law as part of The Childrens Act (2004). These were defined as, stay safe, be healthy, enjoy and achieve, achieve economic wellbeing, and make a positive contribution (Knowles, 2006) which gave professionals direction on the nominal requirements for every child, and allowed social workers to intervene to meet these needs in child protection practice. Nonetheless, the coalition government in 2010 abolished this agenda (McDermid, 2012) suggesting that families are not as important, even though it has underpinned social work practice for a number of years.Nevertheless child deaths get overd to be a growing problem, the Baby asshole case (2008) indicated that individuals are failing children and again multi-agency communication is poor in assessing risk. Another case that followed around a year later was the Edlington boys (2009) who tortured two young boys. Society then blamed nurse placements and care systems suggesting they do not work and foster placements are as bad as the families they were removed from. Cases such as these developed blame culture, where children were perceived as being failed by the government workers unremarkably the social workers less often the police and the politicians (Community Care, 2012). The public outcries and criticisms of social services made social workers practice on the side of caution. This suggests the romantic concept of childhood (i.e. protection of innocence), came to the forefront and children were seen as vulnerable and in need of protection. It appears that each disaster that happens the social construct of children changes.Indeed, researchers into twenty-first century childhood such as Sue Palmer (2006) refers to a Tox ic Childhood which is the harm society is causing to children through a competitive, consumer driven, screen-based lifestyle. The media and earnings evidence how much it has made it available for children to consider adult notions and behaviours, alcohol, sexual activity, drug use and immature violence that show that differences between adulthood and childhood are disappearing. Nevertheless it could be debated that contradictory attitudes await commonplace with children being constructed as innocent little angels and little devils, innately capable of the most grievous types of crime until the adults in society influenced them as Rousseau (1712) noted.Despite these criticisms the families that children live continue to be judged as closemouthed with children growing into poor citizens due to not being protected by them. Very often poor families are classed as poor parents and certain constructions take place without the family even being assessed. To exemplify Tucks (2002) iden tified a connection between all forms of abuse and social deprivation, but a possible comment is that perpetrators target vulnerable children or women to secure access to children socially deprived neighbourhoods are characterised by relatively large numbers of lone parents. Through the pressures of their circumstances and in family crisis, parents had become caught up in a child protection system that was more attuned to assessing risk than to bringing out the best in parents attempt in adversity (DoH, 1995).Moreover Owen and Pritchard (1993) identified the difficulties in classifying at risk and the criterion for assessing what constitutes abuse. Indeed professionals hold a variety of opinions towards what constitutes abuse and could be argued that this alone diminishes the identification of risk to a child. Nonetheless professionals are still expected to protect children by the Children Act 1989 which does outlines significant harm, but it is very ambiguous in terms of definit ion (Brandon et al 1999). Munros report (2011) on Child Protection agrees that social work involves working with this uncertainty and not able to see what goes on in families which suggests little shift . The defensive practice may come from workers who are expected to manage this uncertainty if the issue of abuse and neglect is not clearly labelled.Since the implementation of the Children Act 1989 the emphasis on the childs rights has become very controversial. The idea of protect children by giving those rights may have been problematic for adults in terms of taking them seriously which arguably could be minimal representation they have had over the years. additionally adults may be averse to handing over advocator to their children, because as the early historians suggested, the adult knows what is best for their children. Franklin (2002) suggests a conflict between adults rights and childrens rights could offer explanations for demonization of children. Another idea could be that giving children rights takes away a childs childhood. This may have been viewed from the idealistic construction of childhood being a period of innocence where they consider that children should not be concerned with important decision-making and responsibility.To march on support childrens rights, the Children Act 2004 updated the legislation to include the abolishment of physical punishment (NSPCC, 2012). However, Owen and Pritchards (1983) idea of cultural relativism whereby specific behaviours in some families is attributed to cultural practice, questions the concept of how significant harm can actually be measured. In cases of child abuse, black and ethnic minority children could arguably be at a higher risk, as warning signs that would have been picked up are ignored and accepted to be cultural practices and norms. For instance Rogers, Hevey and Ash (1989) state that the beating of West Indian children can be viewed as traditional use of ill within that culture, rather than observed as physical abuse of children. Owen and Pritchard (1983) propose this aspect to racist beliefs and stereotyping, where culture is considered deviant rather than the actions of a caregiver.Conversely Munro (2008) considers Effective Child Protection and points out the importation on the value of relationships between families and the worker and suggests this leads to better outcomes by understanding the families and cultures. An effective assessment and intervention in child protection draws from having good interactions and aids parents to disclose information and collaborate with authorities. It could be argued if a worker does not believe in certain cultural practices that children could become at risk when mayhap they are not.Another point to consider is the risk posed by professionals that work with children. Society has executed an confidence that the rich, social workers, teachers and other professionals that work in child focused roles follow the legislation on protect our children from significant harm. Yet through the power of this trust professionals have abused in safe spaces for children. For example the murder of Jessica Chapman and Holly Wells by the school caretaker in 2002, identified significant failings with regard to police vetting procedures (HMIC, 2004) and the notion of grooming and abusing positions of trust was incorporated into the Sexual Offences Act 2003.Considering the Act was implemented in 2003 Nursery motorbus genus Vanessa George was found guilty in 2009 of abusing children in her nursery. The review found a systemic disaster in communication throughout and highlighted a common theme of assumption provided a fruitful purlieu in which to abuse, a point that has been proficiently highlighted by the mainstream press. The child protection policies and procedures were inadequate and rarely followed (Community Care, 2009). This suggests that Vanessa prayed on the innocence of children knowing how society views her as a practitioner.Cases such as this called for a review of vetting adults who work with children and formed a piece of legislation, the protection of freedoms Act (2012) which focuses on roles working closely with vulnerable groups. Some children related posts such as governors and school inspectors were being removed from the lists although they require having contact with children (Kelly, 2012). Additionally supervised volunteers pass on no longer be classed as working in regulated activity. Therefore, individuals interdict from working in regulated activity can still volunteer at your school, as long as they are supervised. It could be argued that although the government is keen to scale back the cost of vetting, it does not take into account the risk of grooming which is not negated by supervision. Furthermore, this process does not allow schools to check the barred list when recruiting volunteers which suggests it is providing a false sense of security for all.A further rep ort into child protection by Munro A child centred practice in 2011, established that a universal onslaught to child protection is preventing the main focus of the child. Munro recommended that the Government and local authorities should continually learn from what has happened in the past, however this could be difficult when cases such as Jamie Buglers that clamped the hatchet to protect the boys. One could question what lessons can be learnt from such secretive cases. Additionally, it could be argued that Munros child centred approach offers a potential minus impact on children and professionals. For instance, if the government removes the prescriptive practice that professionals may be using as guidance, this could create the potential to miss the signs of a child being abused based on judgement alone.Having considered this idea, future risks assessment needs to change, a theoretical and practical model needs to be considered to allow state intervention in cases where a caregi vers ability to care for a child is questioned. The British government will be pivotal to play a major role in reforming existing legislation and constructing invigorated strong legislation to allow involvement by care services in the most high risk cases of child abuse. This request on the government is a consequence of the philosophy of risk now predominant in the UK, and is assumed that the government has the skill to anticipate and stop abuse and harm which in turn holds the government responsible when this does not happen.In conclusion, the historical views of childhood can be seen throughout the numerous ideological discourses which determine how constructions of childhood continue to influence laws and legislation concerning the ways in which child protection is shaped. Although it is recognised that childhood warrants some degree of protective status, socioeconomic and cultural circumstances also affect young childrens behaviour and the way professionals practice. Those cha nged conditions also influence adult beliefs about rearing children and how protecting children should be. The emphasis on risk and assessing risk has changed over time, certainly through media, society and legislation.As outlined there are some recurrent issues such as the recognition of significant harm, taking get action, effective communication and achieving an appropriate balance between supporting families and disruptive intervention to safeguard and boost childrens welfare. Nevertheless child protection has been around for a number of years and indicates that there is a correlation coefficient between legislation, society and the construct of childhood which continually mirrors each other and will probably continue to do so.